Sunday, April 5, 2026

Goodbye, Texas


“If your mother didn’t run away when you were born,” Woodrow’s aunt tells him, “she’d be here to take care of you now.” Aunt Clara pauses a beat.

“I never liked her,” Clara Earthmen says. “Never. I never trusted her.”

Clara takes Woodrow’s hand. She and the boy move to the shade beneath the wide branches of a cottonwood.

Clara stands with her back to a cool headstone and looks down at the rows of white crosses and the crowd of black-suited mourners and the open hole where her brother now lies. The preacher has closed his Bible. At the edge of the grave a man in an ash-colored suit picks up two handfuls of dirt and drops them in slow motion onto the head of the coffin.

Aunt Clara looks again at the boy. He isn’t crying. This funeral is the end result of a long illness. He has no tears left.

“I don’t like it,” the big woman says. “What’s the matter with my home? I’m not good enough to raise my own brother’s son? You have to go and live with white people?”

In response the boy’s face is smooth and impassive. He is as expressionless as his father in the grave—except Woodrow’s eyes, which are wide open and gleaming. 

He looks down the hill at the expanse of graves where generations of his father’s family rest, almost back to slavery. Before that they buried under shade trees wherever they could be found. Woodrow’s father used to warn him about playing around the old oaks near their house especially—cautioning him “to show some respect for your own people,” underfoot. 

He blinks now and looks up at his aunt.

“No, ma’am.”

“Well, it’s not right. It’s not natural. I promised your father. He made me promise. But that doesn’t make it right.”

Behind her a squirrel jumps from a tree branch onto a marble headstone. The squirrel stands on its hind legs and raises both paws to its mouth and wiggles its nose. Woody’s mood changes for the first time, day or night, in four months. The animal looks as if it’s making faces behind Aunt Clara’s back and the boy makes a mistake because of it. He laughs.

Aunt Clara grabs his shoulders. He doesn’t resist. Woodrow relaxes his whole body and allows his aunt to shake him.

“Don’t laugh at me! As long as you black don’t you ever laugh at me!”

Her nostrils flare and for a moment her eyes bulge from her face. He wants to laugh again, this time at his aunt not the squirrel, but Woodrow knows that would be wrong. Besides, Aunt Clara’s seizures generally only last a moment. He knows that.

When her breathing returns to normal she opens her going-to-church purse, which matches her going-to-church hat and her going-to-church shoes, all of which are black. She has two going-to-church dresses however, black for sad events like today and a red one for weddings and church services when she expects to speak in tongues and she knows all eyes will be upon her. Clara’s hand reaches now to the bottom of the black bag and pulls out a fifty-dollar bill. She puts the money in the boy’s hand.

“That’s for you. If those white people ask you to do something you don’t want to do, something nasty, you remember you got money of your own and you tell them no.”

The boy puts the fifty dollars in his pocket.

“Not there, fool. Put it in your sock.”

Woodrow folds the money into a square the size of a postage stamp. He lifts his left foot and for balance rests his right hand on a headstone, belonging to a C.B. “Trey” Johnston, who died in 1938 and was almost certainly white because this is the white side of the cemetery, up on the hill among the trees, while blacks who use the cemetery at all, even today, are relegated to the flatland below, in the sun. 

He pushes the fifty dollars between the brown cotton of the sock and his skin.

“If you’re going to live with those white people,” Aunt Clara tells him, “there are some rules that I want you to follow.”

“It’s only Oklahoma, Aunt Clara,” the boy objects. “I’ll just be across the state line. You can even see it from hill behind Mr. Montford’s house.”

Clara stares at Woody like he’s an idiot. She loves him, he knows, but he also knows she believes he has no common sense. 

“Why you think they call this town ‘Goodbye,’ son? Why you think no one calls it Wilmot like it says on the map?”

“I don’t know, Aunt Clara. I never thought about that.”

“Because no black person ever comes back. Not to Texas, nor to this damn town either. People are born here to leave. That’s what your mother said, I was standing right there when she walked out, ‘I’ll just be in Oklahoma,’ she told your father. We never saw her again either.”

“Yes, ma’am.”

“There are four rules, I was saying.”

“Yes, ma’am.”

“First, don’t eat with them.”

“But Aunt Clara—”

Her nostrils start to flare again, a bad sign. She puts her hands on her wide hips.

“You aren’t so old that I can’t whip your ass.”

Woodrow breathes deep. He’s been through something similar with his aunt before, usually about once a day. He knows how to handle her, however. In a mouse-low voice he says, “But Aunt Clara I’ll be living with them. I have to eat with them.”

The big woman considers that for a moment. “Well,” she says, “be sure to wash your hands after.”

“You mean before.”

“I mean after. I don’t care what germs you taking to their table, I care about the disease you taking away.”

“Yes, ma’am.”

“Second, don’t fornicate with their women.”

“What does that mean?”

“What does what mean?”

“For-nah-cate.”

Clara Earthman’s eyes narrow. She looks closely at her nephew.

“How old are you, Woody?”

“I’m fifteen next month.”

“Third,” Aunt Clara says, “wipe the toilet bowl when you sit down. I can’t emphasize enough that you never know what kind of illness those people got.”

“Yes, ma’am.”

Clara takes the boy’s head in her hands. She presses her own face up to his, then steps back.

“Fourth and most important, whatever you do—”

“Yes, ma’am?”

“Don’t forget you black.”

Woodrow is wearing one of his father’s two going-to-church suits, both charcoal. It fits him in length but not really in the waist. He looks now at his arms hanging at his sides. He can’t tell where the dark sleeves of the coat end and the skin of his hand begins.

“No ma’am. I won’t forget that.”



At home there’s no one in the kitchen. That’s unusual. 


Woodrow’s street clothes are hanging on a chair at the breakfast table, laid out for him, his aunt’s apron laying on the table in front of the chair. He slips out of his father’s suit right there. Woody wonders for a moment whether he’ll need it where he’s going but, needed or not, he decides the suit stays. The fifth rule Clara Earthman didn’t mention is don’t look back. 

Woodrow has more sense than he’s given credit for and he knows that, at the beginning at least, the fewer reminders of Goodbye the better. He does take a last look around, though. In some ways his life up until that moment has been lived in his aunt’s kitchen. The sink is half-full of dirty dishes, he notices. That’s not like Clara Earthman but this has been an exceptionally hard day for her, and the worst is yet to come.

Woody washes everything and leaves the dishes to dry. He actually likes to do the washing up. He has always liked the feel of warm soapy water and right now, more than anything else, he needs to do something he likes even if it’s only the dishes. Woodrow dries his hands and moves down the hallway leading to the living room. 

He goes as slowly as he possibly can. Along the corridor he passes the two bedrooms belonging to his cousins: In each room there are three beds, arranged together in a wide T, boys on one side, girls on the other. There’s not enough closet space to hang all the clothes and a nylon line has been tied from one wall to another in front of the bedrooms’ back windows. 

The beds themselves are made, the shelves neat and ordered like in a military barracks. That is why he’s going to live in Oklahoma. There’s no room for him here. 

The cost of staying with his aunt and uncle is “prohibitive,” his father said when he explained it all. Woodrow liked the word prohibitive when he heard it, the sounds is clean and technical and he intends to work it into future conversation—whenever he needs to describe the reasons for anything that can’t or shouldn’t be done. It’s prohibitive.

Clara and her husband have three and a half jobs between them, there’s barely money to feed another mouth, much less provide for college. The oldest child, named Darnell, is away at a low-tier state university in Huntsville and the expense is already breaking the family budget. The biggest attraction of Oklahoma is money. Woody’s dad knew Jim “Junior” Prescott in the Army, back in the day, and the two men stayed in touch through the years and the Prescotts are said to be wealthy, not just by Goodbye’s standards, which doesn’t mean much, but by the standards of Oklahoma City which means a good deal more. Woody looks up at the wall clock in Janelle, Jordanne and Joilene’s room. 

“It’s show time,” as his father used to say to announce a required task, even if unpleasant—especially if unpleasant. Woody moves on toward the living room, to join his new family. If anyone asked him how he feels he would have to say he doesn’t know yet. He’s fearful but he’s also practical and he senses the importance of the opportunity his father is offering him from the grave.

Woodrow pauses at the doorway to the living room as if he already knows what he will find inside. He takes another step. 

Candace and Jim Prescott (“Call us Candy and Junior!”) are sitting on the sofa near the door. They are immobile, stone-like, as if they’ve been there for centuries. On the other side of the room Aunt Clara is standing next to the coffee table, her arms folded across her chest, not a good sign but not an unexpected one either. This isn’t going to be easy for anyone, Woody tells himself, but the quicker the pain passes, the less there is to feel. With that realization, Woody now knows he’s becoming an adult. 

He walks by the Prescotts with barely a nod. That introduction has been made; they were at the church service. If Junior and Candace have any sense they know that this needs to be quick and he hopes they’ve already taken the precaution of loading his bag in their car. Every delay means more pain and Woody has decided to be proactive.

Clara Earthman’s hugs are renowned as a form of assault. She is a big woman with a low center of gravity and she wraps her arms around people and squeezes until not only the air is gone but so is the blood. When Woody was younger and shorter, Clara’s bosom nearly suffocated him on more than one occasion.

She knows exactly what she’s doing. It’s her way of exacting an emotional toll and Woodrow is sure that is what she’s going to do here—but instead of avoiding her he goes straight at his aunt and gets his arms around her and squeezes as tight as she squeezes him. He discovers he’s the stronger of the two. Clara Earthman drops her arms first. That’s it. A big kiss and he’s moving for the door, the Prescotts trailing in his wake.

Woody’s dad described his former Army buddy as a get-to-the-gravy-while-it-is-hot kind of man and Junior seems to have the same expedient instincts about escaping danger, which means leaving Clara Earthman behind as quickly as possible. It’s like Woodrow and Candace and Junior are leaving the scene of a crime, moving fast but trying not to look overly suspicious.

At the curb, an expensive SUV. The trunk is still open in case Woody had something else to bring, which he did not, and Junior Prescott moves now to close it and then swing around to the driver’s door. Woody opens the passenger side for Candace, chivalry she did not expect—then throws himself in the back seat. By the time Woodrow closes the back door behind himself, it seems they’re already on the outskirts of town.

“That was easier than I expected,” Junior says.

Woodrow breaks the fifth rule, which was self-imposed. He turns around and kneels on the seat and looks through the back window at his disappearing past. 

“Not as easy as you think,” he says to himself.

And then the tears begin to flow. 

Saturday, April 4, 2026

Prosemitism & the New York Times

  




        Note to readers: This piece has been censored at the insistence of Google/Blogger.


Today in the premier newsroom in the world—the NYT—blacks and Latinos are both far below their percentages in the population while Jews who represent 3% of the US are, according to some estimates, ten-fold too highly represented among the White Lady’s ranks. What’s up with that? The Times doesn’t track its Jewish percentage, or at least doesn’t publicize it, but historically the major editors, columnists and investigative types, to say nothing of the publisher—which is the Sulzberger family, actually—have been Jews. With a sprinkling of WASPs. 

The peculiar position of the Sulzbergers is that the same diversity standard pushed in its reportage on industry/government has not applied among its own hires. This is actually not news but is instead something that we see every day among the higher ranks of American journalism. Reporters at the Washington Post, National Public Radio, ProPublica, the New Yorker el al want to complain about the decline of diversity due to the Trump administration—ICE attacks or what have you, erosion of affirmative action on college campuses and in the hallways of government—but the journalists doing the complaining are almost invariably white, often Jewish—the so-called “white saviors” who are so common among reporters in recent years. On-air correspondents of the various networks are more representative, even at Fox News, because a lack of diversity is clear on a screen. While the most discriminatory practices in hiring are the purveyors of print media. 

Nowhere is that more true than the New York Times, aka the White Lady. And includes her reportage, which operates under a well-defined double standard. 

“Making our journalists know that we will stand up for them in the moments when they come under attack,” Executive Editor Joseph Kahn said last year in an interview with the news site Semafor, “that the institution is behind them, their safety but also their integrity, is a very important thing to do and also allows us to communicate with readers about the actual facts of a story.” Mr. Kahn’s comments were in the context of a question about Elon Musk’s criticism of the White Lady but are also pertinent to the newspaper’s sins against minorities which are related to condescension, theft of narrative and false narratives that unduly attribute black liberation in America to the efforts of Jews. But before going there—and yes we will go there, despite the risk of being labeled antisemitic—a few details. 

The Kahn interview was by Semafor’s editor-in-chief Ben Smith who was previously the White Lady’s main media critic, who worked for Joe Kahn in other words, which is a pretty glaring conflict of interest itself for the interviewer but was merely the subject of a joking exchange between the two men before the first softball questions were asked. Smith like Kahn also identifies as Jewish, btw, and that is important. 

The interview as it turned out was a blowjob which is the journalistic term for a story that is so positive that the person or entity that is the subject of the piece couldn’t have written anything more positive him or herself. There’s no one to call bullshit on the NYT in other words. Joe Kahn says everything about how the newspaper of record deals with criticism except what happens when the criticism is accurate, because the White Lady admits few inaccuracies. Mostly just her occasional correction notes about misspellings and wrong dates in stories. 

But what if the whole piece is a crock, like the false reporting that led to the War in Iraq and eventually led to a White Lady white paper, a mea culpa from the newspaper of record, promising to do better in the future? Which was actually followed by the Times getting rid of its ombudsman entirely, and more recently by editorial columnists forgetting about Iraq and pushing a war against Iran, once again at the urging of the Israelis. The White Lady is in the strange position of condemning the attack on Tehran but having pushed for it on its editorial page, predominantly but not solely by Bret Stephens, a Jewish opinion columnists who was previously editor-in-chief of the Jerusalem Post. But on to race in America, which is our subject here. 

The Times’ credibility problem with black people just manifested itself twice in ugly and wholly discriminatory ways, first with coverage of the death of civil rights icon and former presidential candidate the Reverend Jesse Jackson of Chicago. To set the scene. 

        Over the course of three days the Times published some 20 pieces on Jackson’s death, 17 of which were written by whites, overwhelmingly Jews, including the main story by Peter Applebome who is a former White Lady columnist and Atlanta bureau chief, a self-promoting Caucasian expert on African Americans who wrote the main piece and who chose as the first person to quote in his story—about this black civil rights icon—a Jewish political organizer from Chicago named Rose. A more accurate and far shorter take on Jesse Jackson’s racial trajectory will be presented below but it’s useful to note first that the center of the Jewish universe can be viewed as the New York Times, not Israel. The pages of the so-called White Lady have constituted the cultural homeland of the modern Jewish peep, even more so in recent years than before. Israel has the land but the Times has the readers.

The view of other peoples/ethnicities by the White Lady's staff is not as sophisticated as you might think. Beliefs about black people for example are often based upon ignorance and upon a delusional view by some American Jews that they are somehow owners of the black narrative in this country. Wrong, bro. Although this is a belief that is often on display at the Times. Just because you read it in the newspaper of record, however, doesn’t mean it’s true. As Elon Musk, who is also Jewish, has complained. 

Suffice it to say that Jews don’t “know” us—black people—despite protestations to the contrary, any more than anyone from any race or culture knows any other race or culture. That’s ordinary humanism although cultural humility often clashes with the Times editors' belief that African American culture is part of the Jewish field of expertise, even to the exclusion from that field of blacks ourselves. Jews are tourists in the hood, really, just as American black people are when, for example, we visit Tel Aviv. But you can’t tell the Times that, or the New Yorker for that matter where Editor-in-Chief David Remnick, who is Jewish and has been accused by his own editorial staff of racism in hiring, nonetheless considers himself another expert on the black peep, having published four books—depending on your count—on the American Negro, including a biography of Barack Obama. 

And which leads to the second incident to be discussed, after the Jackson obit, another recent story by a poorly-informed White Lady, which actually spotlights an unethical practice common to the New Yorker as well. In which media are caught running a game, just like a bad boy in the hood, in order to downplay Jewish affronts to blacks and instead stress the White Lady/New Yorker’s complaints of antisemitism. To set the scene. 

Interestingly, just a year or two ago Ta-Nehisi Coates said—while mentioning his desire to write about Palestine and the Palis’ struggle with the Israelis? He said he was warned off and told by Jewish writers/friends that he didn’t have the knowledge base to question Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. That hasn’t stopped Jewish “experts” at the Times or New Yorker, bro, who are more than willing to opine on African Americans whom they apparently know very little about. A recent winner of the Pulitzer Prize for biography Jonathan Eig, a Jewish sportswriter from Dallas who is now the white press’s go-to foremost authority on Martin Luther King Jr.? 

Mr. Eig also has a series of children’s books written in the person of a little black girl. This certainly has nothing to do with cultural appropriation or any wish on Eig’s part to exploit the black narrative for his own profit. God forbid. How do we know that? 

Because the principal Times book reviewer Dwight Garner wrote in his very positive commentary on Eig’s MLK biography that the tome is now “the authoritative biography” of Martin Luther King Jr. Without actually explaining how the white guy Garner is in a position to make that judgment about the white guy Eig on the subject of the black leader MLK. What Eig's work does do—his children's books for example—is keep a black author from getting a contract from a publisher to write about black people. 

        Just as the Times' plethora of white “experts" on blacks and race in America, like Peter Applebome, keep African Americans and Latinos from being hired in the White Lady’s newsroom. Some might call that exploitation or theft of narrative, actually. The Times has frequent coverage of blacks, the stories are just not often by blacks ourselves. Accuracy of the narrative can be just a detail to the White Lady in other words. The black peep are merely there to increase subscriptions and make the newspaper of record appear inclusive. Doubly interesting is that Mr. Coates was at The Atlantic, where the editor-in-chief is former Israeli prison guard Jeffrey Goldberg. Who is a very likely source of those opinions that blacks shouldn’t write about Palestinians/Jews. (Coates now writes for Vanity Fair.)

And speaking of conflict of interest in journalism—and the primacy of one cultural narrative over everyone else’s—in a recent broadcast of PBS’s Washington Week in Review, convened to discuss the American-Israeli attack on Iran—in a roundtable chaired by none other than Jeffrey Goldberg, formerly of the Israeli prison system—three of four of the guests were Jewish journalists with ties to Israel, including the White Lady’s Peter Baker and the New Yorker’s Susan Glasser. Who are married, actually, not that there's anything wrong with that but maybe it should have been mentioned at the start of the commentary? No need for a Muslim, for example, to join a roundtable to discuss a war on a Muslim nation. Jewish journalists can do it all, just as is true in any discussion of African Americans, like Reverend Jackson. Enough said, except there has been another complaint that blacks should not write about Jewish affairs and the Palis. Directly from the White Lady herself, actually. 

The work that Coates eventually produced, called The Message,  pointed to what he saw as similarities between the Palestinian experience under Israeli rule and what blacks experienced in America. This was a Jim Crow-like analogy that the White Lady objected to, however. The Times reviewer of Coates’ book was Jennifer Szalai who is the newspaper’s chief white-expert on black literature and has previously written that it is “banal” to think that black people are more knowledgeable on our own history than are whites. No shit. 

In this review she dissed Coates’ work for lack of a traditional factual basis: “He is using his position of prominence and moral authority to draw attention to the plight of Palestinians. Having lived the life of the famous Black writer in mostly white professional spaces, someone who has been both venerated and vilified, he finds in his new community ‘the warmth of solidarity.’” There’s nothing wrong with solidarity, actually, in the authentic black view. It’s what freed black people in the U.S., according to our view of our history. But we're not the experts,  according to the White Lady.

        Ms. Szalai also leans heavily into two racist tropes in her review. One being that blacks “feel” but don’t use facts, which is something often heard in white academic circles—black people emote, while whites reason. And that a successful black writer owes his success to the aforesaid white professional spaces. Gee, isn’t that kind of demeaning and/or patronizing? Not in the White Lady’s pages where it can be pretty standard fare. 

        The factual discussion that Jennifer Szalai prefers would have to include the fact that American Jews love nothing better than to recall their efforts to help African Americans during the civil rights era, including two Jewish Freedom Riders who got their tickets cancelled in Mississippi, alongside countless blacks. But Jewish historians and journalists somehow ignore those hundreds of black G.I.s who died in combat in Europe during World War Two while liberating concentration camps. 

The Tuskegee Airmen for example were not flying over Mississippi, bro, although those missions might have been useful. Instead they were flying and dying over Germany, in order to free Jews. It’s remarkable that a people like our Jewish brothers and sisters—who have promised never to forget the past—are so quick to forget what has been done for them but not to them. That is how the White Lady’s reportage works as well. And there’s actually a trick involved in her coverage—a sleight of journalistic hand—you might say, that is being employed. 

So, like, on the third day of Times reporting on Reverend Jackson’s death, the subject finally became something that black people might have found more meaty. In a piece by the Jewish journalist Jonathan Mahler, who is another of the Times’ white experts on black people, the story was called “How a Stray Quote of Jesse Jackson’s Led to a Rupture Between Black and Jewish Voters,” did you read that? 

During his 1984 run for the presidency Jackson infamously referred to Jews as “Hymies” and New York City as “Hymietown.” Which was clearly inappropriate (brought to light by a black Washington Post reporter, fyi) but was also indicative of African American dissatisfaction with the Jewish narrative of blacks in this country. Which includes the proposition that any disagreement with Jews is unacceptable. It wasn't actually a stray quote, in other words. It spoke to black frustration. Our Jewish friends spend a lot of time in our business—telling us what to do and what to think, to say nothing of what is “best” for us—without being invited. Part of the reason is financial. Once we accept contributions, whether of the political variety or to our educational institutions, the camel’s nose is under the tent. But whither, exactly, the hymie epithet? It’s part of history, too, and long before "Hymietown." 

In the 1960s and 1970s Jews were forced out of some civil rights organizations—by angry black activists—for being patronizing and attempting to run black groups. That is what led to the expulsion of Jews, for example, from SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, of which Jesse Jackson was once a member, and which began to criticize Israel during the Six Day War.  Which the Times did not mention in its exploration of Jesse Jackson’s sins, even though Jackson was openly suspicious of the Jewish role in black civil rights. The Mahler piece continued, as background: 

“A natural alliance between two largely liberal minority groups, each with a history of discrimination, had come under pressure from the country’s changing political dynamics. In New York City, a 1968 struggle over the control of public schools in largely Black neighborhoods prompted the firing of a group of predominantly Jewish teachers — spurring a citywide strike led by the Jewish head of the teachers union.” One point of contention is that African Americans are arguably not that liberal. We believe in fairness but also in many of the same traditional values as conservatives, including faith and family, and we are less and less attached to what is called, in the black podcast world, “the Democratic plantation.” 

And forgive one for wondering why Jews were in charge of black instruction in the first place? Why didn’t black teachers have those jobs? Why the Jim Crow treatment in a northern city? And why was it so disconcerting that black teachers wanted the task of educating black children? 

What’s also interesting about the Mahler piece is that any break in black-Jewish relations can be attributed to actions by black people, never errors by Jews. Who are only victims in this perspective. Let’s see if that’s true. 

The Times has, almost singlehandedly, just ignominiously ended the mayoralty of an African American in New York’s City Hall, who got too close to Muslim Turkey, and Jews contributed significantly to the recent reelection losses of two black Democratic members of Congress who had the temerity to criticize Israel. And the Times has blacklisted at least one black journalist for supporting Palestinian liberation. But if blacks who are such a key demographic of the Democratic Party—as we are reminded endlessly by the White Lady—if we question or criticize Jewish politics/action—we automatically become antisemites. Or we’re “ungrateful.”

Or we are confrontational. Very often it’s just a scam, b.s. in other words, a way of trying to bring independent black thought to heel. And here again the White Lady offers a very good example. 

Late last year the newspaper of record ran an “investigative” piece on the newest Supreme Court Justice, Katanji Brown Jackson, saying directly that she is “confrontational” and should not strike out on her own opinions but should find consensus with the Court’s liberals, particularly Jewish jurist Elena Kagan. Literally. This dialectic was presented as an investigative piece in the news section detailing liberal aims and how best, according to the reporter, to achieve those. And how Justice Jackson was guilty of some kind of betrayal. The story was written by Jodi Kantor, perhaps the Times’ most famous journalist today, half of the team that produced the influential #metoo coverage and who is now on the Supreme Court beat. To set the scene. 

        Kantor who was previously in the White Lady's Washington bureau wrote that her conclusions in the Supreme Court article were the result of interviews with clerks and court-observers but it certainly seemed that Justice Kagan, who was portrayed as a long-suffering Solon-in-a-skirt, may have had more than a passing role in writing this copy. It was a crock, in other words, portrayed as unbiased investigative journalism that seemed really intended to remind a black woman of her place. 

Jodi Kantor’s story did not go over nearly as well as #metoo. A few days later Kantor was quoted in a followup behind-the-scenes explainer on the black Supreme Court justice’s failings. She point out the virtues of the white female judge instead: “Justice Kagan, appointed in 2010 to be a diplomat and strategist, is capable of punching hard, but she shows her frustration only in flashes.” Laying it on a little thick, no, in order to repay a source? It doesn’t seem like objective journalism, much less investigative. And betrays her personal knowledge of the Jewish justice.

        Speaking of the facts. when President Obama appointed Justice Kagan he described her as a consensus-builder, but said nothing about her being a diplomat or a strategist who others on the Supreme Court must follow. Indeed it wouldn’t have mattered if he had, because the eight associate justices of the court are on the bench in order to interpret and apply the Constitution, each having equal responsibility and power. When President Biden appointed Justice Jackson, for example, who is the heavy in the White Lady’s reportage, as African American officials often are in the pages of the Times, he described her “as someone with extraordinary character, who will bring to the Supreme Court an independent mind, uncompromising integrity, and with a strong moral compass and the courage to stand up for what she thinks is right.” Somehow, none of that made it into the story. 

Per Ms. Kantor: “Ever since Justice Jackson arrived in 2022, friction has been building: between her and Justices Sotomayor and Kagan, who are more aligned strategically, and between her and the rest of the court, according to more than a dozen associates of the justices, including both liberals and conservatives. They spoke on condition of anonymity, in order to share sensitive details about closely held conversations.” Oh please. Dollars to donuts, Jodi Kantor got marching orders from Elena Kagan as two women of the same background, descendants of Holocaust survivors lest we forget, sat down to devise an approach, in the newspaper of record, to go after a minority justice, in order to bring her in line. (Times’ editors refused comment when asked if Kantor met with Kagan for this piece.) Justice Kagan probably should have shared the byline. This is the Democratic plantation, where black officials are forced to labor or risk denunciation.

In fact Kantor used the female version of the “threatening black male” trope—the “confrontational black woman” in this case—which Jodi Kantor is familiar with because she also went after Michelle Obama early during the Obama Administration, in a book that the President and First Lady did not much appreciate. In Kantor’s introduction to her Obama work she informs us, “This book is dedicated to Hana Kantor, who grew up poor in Poland, did not attend school beyond fifth grade, survived the Holocaust as a teenager, losing nearly everyone and everything, built a life in the United States, and is still selecting the best tomatoes and playing kalooki in Florida and the Catskills. As her granddaughter, I’ve tried to help write the happiest ending to her story, to make good on the promise of America. I never once walked up the driveway of the White House without thinking of her.” 

Ms. Kantor’s relationship to her grandmother is stirring but, actually, who gives a fuck? What does any of that have to do with the Negro First Family from Chicago? The Times as an institution continues to see black people through a Jewish historical lens. But we’re not an extension of Jews or part of the Jewish narrative. We have our own narrative. And that becomes clear when the newspaper of record needs to cut somebody loose, like Justice Jackson. Or Mayor Adams. Just as Southern whites did, Times journalists come looking for us. 

And if they criticize us, remember, it is because they are smarter or more upright morally/ethically. Really? Does that include faking investigative journalism in order to score political points for a prominent Jewish judge? 

We do know that same standard applies in Hollywood, btw. During the uproar over the Gaza War as American blacks began to stand up for Palestinians—and correctly so—television star Julianna Margulies who is Jewish said we were “brainwashed.” It’s actually Jews who have been brainwashed, in part by the White Lady herself, to believe the decades of pro-Israeli b.s., which only now is coming to light as a wide swath of the domestic public questions our lock-step support of the Jewish State. Cue the war with Iran. But enough of Gaza and the Hormuz Strait and onto Chicago, and later back to New York, the aforesaid “Hymietown.” Let a black person opine briefly on his own peeps for a change. 

Chicago was the black melting pot that has formed so many ambitious black leaders including Oprah, Michael Jordan, Reverend Jackson, Elijah Muhammad and, most famously, Barack and Michelle Obama. In this black context too, the newspaper of record doesn’t know what it’s talking about. One might say, if one wished to be ghetto, the White Lady is a lying ho. 

        A much more credible Jesse Jackson narrative is not that difficult to recount or understand if the source has cultural competence, which white people at the Times do not have on this particular story, race in America. But which doesn’t stop the newspaper of record from trying. The White Lady, btw, just ran an opinion piece by a black writer and two Jews that the term “African American” should be phased out, in favor of exclusive use of “black.” Now we know, because the Times has told us our role/responsibilities yet again. At least a black person was involved in the column, which is not always the case in White Lady opinion pieces on race. 

        But on to Illinois. 

My mother and father were both born in Texas but grew up in Chicago after their families migrated, part of the mass movement of blacks from the South to the northern states and the Midwest during the early 20th century, in order to escape Jim Crow. They followed the train tracks, literally. To set the scene. For example Jesse Jackson himself went north from his birthplace in South Carolina. Chicago was where so many escaping black families ended up. 

My father used to recount being a kid in Chicago in the 1920s and watching as an expensive car pulled up in the black hood and the back door opened and sitting there was Al Capone. With a  large bank bag of coins in his lap, which he threw handfuls of at passing Negroes. Who scurried to pick up the money. 

Capone was insuring that if he came to trial and any blacks appeared on the jury, they knew to vote not guilty. Mr. Gold—the political operative who the Times chose to quote on black Chicago—isn’t going to tell you that. Because he doesn’t know. My mother who was a gifted observer had a favorite saying about the Windy City where she spent her childhood. “Chicago has,” she liked to repeat, “the meanest niggers in the world.” 

What she meant by “mean nigger” is what black people often still mean today, formidable. Like Michael Jordan, or Oprah. Ambitious. Smart. Capable. But white people don’t know what a mean nigger is unless they’re told by us. Chicago has created a lot of mean niggers thru the years, with and without the assistance of Jewish political operatives. What Times coverage also failed to note at the time of Reverend Jackson’s death is that Jesse Jackson was part of the generation of black people who first grew tired of Jewish efforts at control of our narrative and their condescension towards us, like Ms. Margulies, or Justice Kagan of the Supreme Court. 

        Back to New York City. And back, actually, to the public education realm where the Times noted that Jews feel they have been dissed by blacks in the past. But where Jews have actually been doing the dissing recently. So, like, a week after Reverend Jackson’s death the Times carried an astounding story. 

        The piece centered on a videoconference regarding a New York City public school that might be shuttered. Let the White Lady tell it from there because she does a very good job, up to a point. It’s what she doesn’t say, in this case, that is highly racist and unjustifiably prosemitic. Which is the opposite of antisemitic. Has a ring to it, no?

“As one student, who attendees said was Black, spoke out to praise her teachers and lament the potential shutting of her school, another attendee — identified as Allyson Friedman, an associate professor at Hunter College who was attending as a public school parent — cut in. 

“They’re too dumb to know they’re in a bad school,” Dr. Friedman said, according to a recording of the meeting. She was attending virtually and was unaware that her microphone was turned on, per the Times. ‘If you train a Black person well enough, they’ll know to use the back,” Dr. Friedman continued. “You don’t have to tell them anymore.” 

According to the White Lady, “[Dr. Friedman] appeared to be referencing a comment made earlier in the meeting by the local school district’s interim acting superintendent, Reginald Higgins. He had mentioned Carter G. Woodson, the scholar known as the father of Black history, who said, ‘If you make a man think that he is justly an outcast, you do not have to order him to the back door. He will go without being told.’” So far, so good. Or so bad, actually, but well reported nonetheless. 

The Times followed up with a piece a day or two later that Professor Friedman had been suspended by Hunter College. What was not reported in either story, and is quite telling both about the professor and the newspaper of record, is that Dr. Friedman, like the White Lady herself, is Jewish. When Jews do great things the NYT calls out culture/ethnicity, but otherwise, not so much. The newspaper of record’s attention to detail is very selective, especially when Jews fuck up. For instance as part of the coverage of Henry Kissinger’s death a few years ago, the Times was not much interested in the secret bombing campaign that Dr. Kissinger helped bring about, that killed tens of thousands of Cambodians, but was very interested that, at one point, Kissinger was boning actress Raquel Welch. 

Jesse Jackson’s “Hymie” rhetoric is important in Reverend Jackson’s obit in the Times, but not war crimes in Dr. Kissinger’s. When it’s something as horrific as Professor Friedman’s comments, there’s no mention of Judaism or the fracturing of bonds between blacks and Jews. What Professor Friedman said was actually far worse than “Hymie” or “Hymietown.” But in the newspaper of record we read about the full extent of black racism but not Allyson Friedman’s. We read about black assaults on Jews but not Jewish assaults on African American civil rights. One of which took place in my hometown, Austin, Texas, actually. Literally

        Again, the White Lady falsified the account by very selective use of facts not included in the story.

So, like, during the George Floyd protests that rocked the country and coincided with the pandemic, an Army sergeant at nearby Ft. Hood, who had a side gig driving Uber, came to Austin during an anti-police demonstration. Austin cops have killed a lot of minorities through the years, many of them unarmed, and the protest was well-attended despite COVID. To set the scene. 

The sergeant had a plan to kill a participant of the march, which he did. The protestor was armed but not threatening and the sergeant’s idea, which he communicated in text messages before shooting the guy, four times, was to kill an armed protestor and claim self defense. Long story short, the soldier was convicted of murder and sentenced from 5 years to life but was almost immediately pardoned on the instructions of Governor Greg Abbott. The White Lady covered the case of the sergeant, Daniel Perry is his name, who is actually Jewish. Without ever mentioning in reportage that the attack on the Floyd protestor was committed by a Jew, although local reports had mentioned Perry’s culture/ethnicity and that information was obviously available to the newspaper of record as well. 

The murder trial and the dispute over Sgt. Perry’s pardon both came at the height of the Gaza War when the White Lady was running news stories and opinion pieces about the “special relationship” between blacks and Jews in this country and the subliminal question of why African Americans were criticizing Israel. A story about a Jew who killed a pro-civil rights protestor doesn’t go along well with the particular view of race relations favored by the NYT

Sgt. Perry texted to someone, btw, evidence from the trial showed, “I am a racist” and he described Black Lives Matter activists as “monkeys.” He’s an anti-black Jewish terrorist in other words, but you won’t read that in the New York Times. You will read, however, about antisemitism by blacks and everybody else. But in the White Lady’s view, Jews are always victims not perps. 

The Times is a wonderful publication on many levels but its primary mission is prosemitism, that is, pushing a pro-Jewish narrative and ignoring anything that doesn’t jibe with that. Whether it’s Israel, Hollywood or the hood, the White Lady offers what the Times likes to call “a nuanced view” but others might call, simply, bullshit. One of the only on-the-mark comments in the Times coverage of Reverend Jackson's death, for example, those 20-odd stories, was by the black writer Michael Eric Dyson who recounted that among Reverend Jackson’s economic campaigns was getting CBS to desegregate and hire blacks. One likes to think that if Jackson were still alive and in his prime he would have taken on the White Lady too. 

Specifically, the Times has a race problem. Evidenced by its nickname “the White Lady,” used by the black intelligentsia. Today she finds herself in the peculiar and embarrassing position of pushing a diversity narrative on others that has not been much applied in her own newsroom. Or in the pages of the newspaper, actually. 

According to the Times’ own numbers, last updated in 2024, the news staff is approximately two-thirds white in a country where Caucasians are in the lower 50s and declining. Times leadership is 70% Caucasian. This is actually an improvement because in past decades the newspaper’s white staff has been closer to 90%. Go back beyond that and the Times didn’t really hire blacks or Latinos at all, except as window dressing—like, to point out the lone black person at a typewriter in the back of the newsroom, when the mayor or another dignitary was taking a tour. As in “tokens,” you know? 

The White Lady’s management was also busted just a few years ago by the newspaper guild for uniformly giving lower evaluation scores, for promotion, to minority news staff. The features of the “peculiar institution,” as slavery was known in years past, have been adopted by a different peculiar institution, American mainstream journalism, in other words the New York Times